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1.
Merrian J. Brooks DO MS Joshua Leskovac MS Mark F. Benedetto MS Elizabeth Miller MD PhD Edward P. Mulvey PhD 《Juvenile & family court journal》2020,71(4):53-62
Motivational interviewing (MI) is a communication style focused on enhancing clients’ own motivation towards change. In the justice system MI has evidence to support that it enhances communication and change behaviors in youth. As most MI training is designed for healthcare settings training and implementation of MI must be adapted to fit the juvenile justice model. This includes both rehabilitation and restorative justice. Here we describe the details that allowed one county small county in Pennsylvania to roll out MI training and initial skills review in less than 6 months. The case reviews the details of planning, trainings, and timing of activities. We then discuss what elements of those details fit into a greater implementation plan that may be applied elsewhere. Four key elements were instrumental to implementation: 1) appreciation of JPO time constraints, 2) cost containment 3) using blending to enhance JPO flexibility with MI use, and 4) policies that normalize use of MI. This outline may assist other courts in their own implementation efforts. 相似文献
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This paper examines the power to prorogue (or suspend) Parliament following the 2019 prorogation controversy in the UK. We outline the legal basis of prerogative-based prorogation, survey its uses in the UK and other Westminster systems, and compare it with equivalent rules in other European parliamentary democracies. The comparative perspective highlights the outlier status of the UK among comparable European democracies. In the UK, the absence of explicit legal limits on the use of prorogation gives the executive exceptional scope to employ the power for political purposes to sidestep Parliament. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for current discussions about the desirability of reforming the UK’s prorogation rules and placing express legal limits on the executive’s power. 相似文献
4.
The media allow crime to infiltrate the public’s consciousness in every conceivable way, thereby playing a major role in shaping the public’s opinion and attitude toward crime and crime issues (Barak, 1995; Fields & Jerin, 1996; Kappeler & Potter, 2005). Reporters constantly talk about crime, and crime related stories dominate the headlines of local and national newspaper outlets (Dowler, 2003; Pizarro et al, 2007). Some of the most highly rated television programs are based on crime plots and people across social, political, and racial demographics are constantly engaged in crime dialogue generated from local or national news stories. When the focus of these mediums is on youth they become even more profound and contentious. The images portrayed conjure up stereotypes that lead to fear and inflammatory remarks that become entrenched into the national lexicon. The current study uses data from the National Opinion Survey of Crime and Justice to test the relationship between crime-related media viewership and fear of victimization within a nationally representative adult sample. Approximately 42.67% of respondents reported regularly watching crime shows and about the same proportion (42.83%) believed their local media paid too much attention to violent crime. In addition to regular crime-show viewership, confidence in the police, gender, and recent contact with the police were associated with fear of victimization. This article adds to an existing body of research through a largely unexplored area in the administration of justice. It does so within the context of the U.S. juvenile justice system. 相似文献
5.
Stephanie G. Neuman Author Vitae 《Orbis》2006,50(3):429-451
The global defense industrial sector is a remarkably accurate indicator of the distribution of power in the post-Cold War international system. However, the defense industrial sector as a policy tool has received relatively little scrutiny, even though it not only reflects the international order, but also provides the United States with the ability to influence the foreign policy behavior of other states. The defense industrial sector is a powerful, if undervalued, diplomatic tool in the United States’ political arsenal. 相似文献
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Bjorn G. Hansen Mark Blainey 《Review of European Community & International Environmental Law》2006,15(3):270-280
The EU has regulated chemicals since the late 1960s using both general and sectoral legislation, and exposure-based, hazard-based and risk-based decisions. A new proposal from the European Commission – on the Registration, Evaluation and Authorization of Chemicals (REACH) – will build on the experiences of the existing legislation and introduce some new concepts in the management of chemicals. This article is aimed at assessing the current chemical control mechanisms in the EU and those put forward in REACH to demonstrate how REACH is a new paradigm in chemicals management. REACH will carry forward today's experience and approach to the management of chemicals in the EU and introduces some novel aspects, such as utilizing market-based mechanisms and putting into operation the 'substitution principle'. 相似文献
8.
VGH München 《Natur und Recht》2006,28(6):382-383
Keine Zusammenfassung 相似文献
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VG München 《Natur und Recht》2006,28(8):528-530
Keine Zusammenfassung 相似文献
10.
G. Robert Blakey 《Trends in Organized Crime》2006,9(4):8-34
In 1970, the Congress enacted the Organized Crime Control Act. Title IX of the 1970 Act is the Racketeer Influence and Corrupt
Organization Act or RICO. This Act had its origins in legislation going back as far as 1934, but coming forward to 1961. The
1970 Act borrowed ideas from this earlier legislation, principally “enterprise,” but also the use predicate statutes to define
“racketeering activity.” The ideas are not new, but their combination affects how prosecutors and law enforcement agents investigate,
try, and sanction violations of the Act. RICO’s drafting also reflects organizational theory and economic analysis. The investigation
and prosecution of a single crime committed by an individual on a single day and in a single place maybe done using one set
of procedural and evidentiary rules. Nevertheless, the investigation and prosecution of patterns of diverse offenses committed
by, through, and against licit and illicit enterprises require sophisticated procedures, evidentiary rules, and criminal sanctions.
In addition, antisocial conduct is more than a challenge to the administration of criminal justice; it also requires the full
panoply of civil sanctions, including public injunctions as well private enforcement of injunctive relief and treble damages.
RICO has had a profound effect on the prosecution of organized crime, white-collar crime, and other forms of similar criminal
behavior.
William J. & Dorothy K. O’Neill Professor of Law, Notre Dame Law School; A.B. 1957, University of Notre Dame; J.D. 1960, Notre
Dame Law School. Professor Blakey was the Chief Counsel of the Subcommittee on Criminal Laws and Procedures of the United
States Senate Committee on the Judiciary in 1969-70 when the Organized Crime Control Act of 1970, Pub. L. No. 91-542, 84 Stat.
922 (1970) was processed, Title IX of which is the Racketeer Influence and Corrupt Organization Act or RICO. For a general
treatment of the statute from a variety of perceptive, see the collection of law review literature in G. Robert Blakey & Kevin
Roddy, “Reflections on Reves v. Ernst & Young: Its Meaning an Impact on Substantive, Accessory, Aiding, Abetting and Conspiracy
Liability under RICO,” 33 Amer. Crim. L. Rev. 1345, 1348 n. 3(1996). 相似文献